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| ocratic State. The Party was declared to be associated with the International. Some immediate objectives were set out manhood suffrage referenda free and compulsory education separation of Church and State liberty of the Press State aid to workers co-operatives. This programme expresses not the Socialist and revolutionary aspirations of the workers but the policy of refinance home 1 the leaders. There is a direct contradiction between the programme of the International and the purely national programme set out above between t refinance home 1 he socialist solidarity of Labour and the political patriotism of the National State. Thus the Social Democrats find themselves in the position of being united with their bourgeois compatriots against the workers of a foreign country and their patriotism has vanquished them Socialism. Slaves themselves of the German Government they fulminate against the French Government as tyrants. The only difference between Bismarck and Napoleon III was that the one was a successful and the other an unsuccessful scoundrel one was a scoundrel and the other a scoundrel and a half. The German Socialists idea of a Free State is a contradiction in terms an unrealisable dream. Socialism implying the destruction of the State those who support the State must renounce Socialism must sacrifice the economic emancipation of the masses to the political power of some privileged party--and in this case it will be bourgeois democracy. The programme of the Social Democrats really implies that they rust the bourgeois democrats to help the workers to achieve a Social revolution after the workers have helped the bourgeois to achieve a political revolution. The way they have swallowed bourgeois ideas is shown by the list of immediate objectives which except for the last comprise the well-known programme of bourgeois democracy. And in fact these immedia refinance home 1 te objectives have become their real objectives so that they have lent the Social Democratic Party to become a mere tool in the hands of the bourgeois democrats. Does Marx hims refinance home 1 elf sincerely want the antagonism of class against class that antagonism which renders absolutely impossible any participation of the masses in the political action of the State? For this action considered apart from the bourgeoisie is not practicable it is only possible when it develops in conjunction with some party of that class and lets itself be directed by the bourgeois. Marx cannot be ignorant of that and besides what is going on to-day in Geneva Zurich Basel and all over Germany ought to open his eyes on this point if he had closed them which frankly I do not believe. It is impossible for me to believe it alter having read the speech he delivered recently at Amsterdam in which he said that in certain countries perhaps in Holland itself the social question could be resolved peacefully legally without force in a friendly fashion which can mean nothing but this it can be resolved by a series of success sive pacific voluntary and judicious compromises between bourgeoisie and proletariat. Mazzini never said anything different from that.[20] Mazzini and Marx are agreed on this point of capital importance that the great social reforms which are to emancipate the proletariat cannot be realised except in a great democratic Republican very powerful and strongly centralised State which for the proper well-being refinance home 1 of the people in order to be able to give them education and social welfare must impose on them by means of their own vote a very strong government.[21] I maintain that if ever the Marxian party that of so-called Social Democracy continues to pursue the course of political demands it will see itself forced to condemn sooner or later that of economic demands he course of strike action so incompatible are these two courses in reality. It is always the same German temperament and the same logic which leads the Marxists directly and fatally in refinance home 1 to what we call Bourgeois Socialism and to the conclusion of a new political pact between the bourgeois who are Radicals or who are forced to become such and the intelligent respectable that is to say duly bourgeoisfied minority of the town proletariat to the detriment of the mass of the proletariat not only in the country but in the towns also. Such is the true meaning of workers candidatures to the Parliaments of existing States and that of the conquest of political power by the working class. For even from the point of view of only the town proletariat to whose exclusive profit it is desir refinance home 1 ed to take possession of political power is it not clear that the popular nature of this power will never be anything else than fiction? It will be obviously impossible for some hundreds of thousands or even some tens of thousands or indeed for only a few thousand men to effectively exercise this power. They will necessarily exercise it by proxy that is to say entrust it to a group o refinance home 1 f men elected by themselves to represent and govern them which will cause them without fail to fall back again into all the falseho refinance home 1 ods and servitudes of the representative or bourgeois regime. After a brief moment of liberty or revolutionary orgy citizens of a new State they will awake to find themselves slaves playthings and victims of new power-lusters. One can understand how and why clever politicians should attach themselves with great passion to a programme which opens such a wide horizon to their ambition but that serious workers who bear in the hearts like a living flame the sentiment of solidarity with their companions in slavery and wretchedness the whole world over and who desire to emancipate themselves not to the detriment of all but by the emancipation of all to be free themselves with all and not to become tyrants in their turn that sincere toilers could become enamoured of such a programme that is much more difficult to understand. But then I have a firm confidence that in a few years the German workers themselves recognising the fatal consequences of a theory which can only favour the ambition of their bourgeois chiefs or indeed that of some exceptional workers who seek to climb on the shoulders of their comrades in order to become dominating and exploiting bourgeois in their refinance home 1 turn--I have confidence that the German workers will reject this theory with contempt and wrath and that they will embrace the true programme of working-class emancipation that of the destruction of States with as much passion as do to-day the workers of the great Mediterranean countries France Spain Italy as well as the Dutch and Belgian workers. Meanwhile we recognise the perfect right of the German workers to go the way that seems to them best provided that they allow us the same liberty. We recognise even that it is very possible that by all their history their particular nature the state of their civilisation and their whole situation to-day they are forced to go this way. Let then the German American and English toilers try to win political power since they desire to do so. But let them allow the toilers of other countries to march with the same energy to the destruction of all political power. Liberty for all and a natural respect for that liberty such are the essential conditions of international solidarity. The German Social Democratic Labour Party founded in 1869 by Liebknecht and Bebel under the auspices of Marx announced in its programme that the conquest of political power was the preliminary condition of the economic emancipation of the proletariat and that consequently the immediate object of the party must be the organisation of a widespread legal agitation for the winning of universal suffrage and of all other political rights its final aim the establishment of the great pan-German and so-called Peoples State. Between this tendency and that of the Alliance [Bakunins organisation] which rejected all political action not having as immediate and direct objective the triumph of the workers over Capitalism and as a consequence the abolition of the State there exists the same difference the same abyss as between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The Alliance taking the programme of the refinance home 1 International seriously had rejected contemptuously all compromise with bourgeois politics in however Radical and Socialist a guise it might do itself up advising the proletariat as the only way of real emancipation as the only policy truly salutary for them the exclusively negative policy of the demolition of political institutions of political power of government in general of the State and as a necessary consequence the international organisation of the scattered forces of the proletariat into revolutionary power directed against all the established powers of the bourgeoisie.I The Social Democrats of Germany quite on the contrary advised an the workers so unfortunate as to listen to them to adopt as the immediate objective of their association legal agitation for the preliminary conquest of political rights they thus subordinate the movement for economic emancipation to the movement first of all exclusively political and by this obvious reversal of the whole programme of the International they have filled in at a single stroke the abyss they had opened between proletariat and bourgeoisie. They have done more than that they have tied the proletariat in tow with the bourgeoisie. For it is evident that all this political movement so boosted by the German Socialists since it must precede the economic revolution can only be directed by the bourgeois or what will be still worse by workers transformed into bourgeois by their ambition and vanity and passing in reality over the head of the proletariat like all its predecessors this movement will not fail once more to condemn the proletariat to be nothing but a blind instrument inevitably sacrificed in the struggle of the different bourg | |||||||||||||